The African continent has experienced a turbulent history of colonialism and imperialism, which has had a significant impact on the politics and governance of African countries. After achieving independence from colonial powers, many African countries have struggled to establish stable democratic governments, and instead, have fallen under the control of authoritarian regimes.

The rise of authoritarianism in post-colonial Africa may be explained through concepts of sociology such as the “iron law of oligarchy”, which falls under the umbrella of classical elite theory and that of the social contract.

The iron law of oligarchy is a concept developed by sociologist Robert Michels, which suggests that all organizations, including political parties and governments, will eventually be controlled by a small group of people, or ruling elite, the “oligarchs.” Michels argues that this happens because the leaders of an organization will gradually gain more power and influence, which allows them to manipulate the organization’s structures and rules to maintain their control. Much like the modern Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which is now dominated by Chinese President Xi and his allies. 

In post-colonial Africa, this phenomenon has played out in various ways. Many African countries have established political parties that were supposed to represent the interests of the people. However, over time, the leadership of these parties became more focused on accumulating and maintaining their power than serving the people. This has led to a situation where a small group of ruling elites control the political and economic system, and opposition parties are either banned or severely restricted. One of the most notable examples is the case of Zimbabwe, formerly known as Rhodesia, which gained independence from British colonial rule in 1980.

Upon gaining independence, Zimbabwe’s founding leader, Robert Mugabe, implemented policies that led to the concentration of power in the hands of a small group of elites within his ruling party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF). This group became known as the “ZANU-PF oligarchy” and played a central role in the country’s political and economic affairs. Despite the promises of democracy and popular participation that Mugabe made during the liberation struggle, he soon consolidated power and became increasingly authoritarian, effectively suppressing opposition parties and independent media. He also implemented policies such as land reforms (notably the “Fast-Track Land Reform Programme”), which were meant to redistribute land from white farmers to black Zimbabweans, but were also used to reward his cronies and strengthen his grip on power.

Another famous example is that of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), which gained independence from Belgian colonial rule in 1960. Shortly after independence, the country’s first Prime Minister, Patrice Lumumba, was overthrown in a coup orchestrated by the CIA and Belgian intelligence services. Subsequently, the country’s President, Mobutu Sese Seko, established a highly centralised and authoritarian regime that was characterised by widespread corruption, political repression, and the concentration of power in the hands of a small group of elites. Mobutu and his cronies looted the country’s natural resources, amassed vast personal wealth, and maintained their grip on power through the use of force and intimidation.

These are just two examples of how the iron law of oligarchy has manifested on the post-colonial African continent. In both cases, the promise of democracy and popular participation was quickly subverted by a small group of elites who concentrated power in their hands and used it to enrich themselves and suppress opposition.

Furthermore, the social contract, a concept developed by philosophers such as John Locke (1689) and Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1895), can also help to explain the nature and politics of authoritarianism in post-Colonial Africa. The social contract theory suggests that governments are formed through a voluntary agreement between citizens to give up some of their individual freedoms in exchange for protection and security provided by the government. However, in many African countries, the social contract has been broken. In its quest to concentrate power in the hands of a small elite, the government has failed to provide adequate protection and security to citizens, and instead, has used its power to oppress and exploit the people. This has led to widespread poverty, corruption, and human rights abuses.The ensuing loss of legitimacy further fuelled authoritarianism as a crisis of legitimacy, associated with social contestation, further pushed the government into the territory of repression. A state functions based on legitimacy and/or coercion, the latter oftentimes implying the use of some form of violence. Thus, unsurprisingly, for a state to continue functioning without legitimacy, it must solely rely on coercion or violent repressions, and hence authoritarianism. 

The preceding example on Zimbabwe demonstrated how Mugabe progressively proceeded to concentrate power in the hands of a small elite. However, by enacting reforms that targeted foreigners to profit the “autochthons” or natives of Zimbabwe, Mugabe effectively found a way through nationalism to prolong his legitimacy. Similarly to the current use of Tunisian president Saied’s targeting of migrants to reverse his waning popularity through nationalism. Nonetheless, going back to the case of Mugabe, when this legitimacy was eventually and inevitably lost, the autochthons, custodians of his lost legitimacy, were in turn subject to repression in order to quell dissent. This further eroded the social contract.  In Zimbabwe, the breakdown of the social contract in the early years of the Mugabe regime was fuelled by economic mismanagement, corruption, and a rising lack of respect for human rights. In the face of widespread poverty and unemployment exacerbated by corruption, many Zimbabweans lost faith in the government’s ability to provide for their basic needs and protect their rights. This led to a total loss of legitimacy for the government and a complete transition from the first stage to the second stage of authoritarianism as Mugabe’s undemocratic successive governments increasingly resorted to repression, not just against foreigners and political opponents, but also against civil society in order to preserve the power and resources concentrated.

The combination of the iron law of oligarchy (first stage of authoritarianism) and the complete breakdown of the social contract (second stage of authoritarianism) has led to a situation where authoritarianism has become the norm in many African countries. Once consolidated through the accumulation of power and control of resources, the ruling elites have used their power to suppress dissent, limit freedom of speech and association, and perpetuate their rule through fraudulent elections and other undemocratic means.

In conclusion, the nature and politics of authoritarianism in post-colonial Africa can be explained through the concepts of the iron law of oligarchy and the social contract. The small group of elites that control the political system in many African countries have done so by manipulating the structures and rules of the political parties and government to expand and maintain their power. Additionally, the subsequent breakdown of the social contract between a government and civil society has led to widespread poverty, corruption, and human rights abuses, which have fueled the rise of authoritarianism. To address the challenge of authoritarianism in post-colonial Africa, there is a need for concerted efforts to strengthen democratic institutions to promote democracy, increase transparency andaccountability, and respect for human rights through more regional cooperation with neighbouring countries and building a stronger civil society.